Mosque Space Production in the City of Fes, Morocco

Introduction
This article addresses Mosque space in the context of the city of Fez, Morocco. These mosques are Al-Qarawiyyin, Othman Ben Afan, Sidi Ibrahim, Idris al-Awwal and Abdullah Bin Masoud. In fact, this sacred space holds up to view the rich history of art and architecture of the Islamic city of Fez. The unique structure of mosque space gives it a special quality and effect: it is endowed with and communicates religious values and principles through its different elements and patterns such as minaret, mihrab, minbar and unique Islamic decorations and patterns. Yet, the claim of ‘purism’ or authenticity of such local sacred space cannot be maintained due to the process of transformation that leads to the intervention of the new technology. Yet, it is also hard to argue that globalization obliterates the locality of such sacred space. Hence, it is wise to pose and see how the local and the global do not conflict, but rather they are the two different inhabitants that ‘cohabit’ within ‘calm consensus’ in the mosque space.

In short, this article attempts to show how form enhances the spiritual dimension of this sacred space; the ways people behave and interact with each other and this space. By doing so, it will be clearly seen how people structure their environment while they are, then, influenced by it. The second point attempts to investigate how the local meets the global in mosque space, and the third point is how contemporary mosque architecture naturalizes the socially constructed gendered identity, reinscribing the marginality of women.

Mosque Form and Spatial Behavior
‘Mosque’ is the English translation of the Arabic word masjid, the place of worship for Muslims; it is primarily a place of prayer, salah, spiritual repose and sanctuary. The plan of a mosque is governed by the liturgical axis towards Makkah (Mecca). The indication of this axis is a niche (mihrab in the wall facing Makkah.)

Indeed when entering the sacred space of a mosque a Muslim feels peace of reassurance, tranquility, serenity and quietness. This transition from the material into the spiritual and self-engineering spiritual behavior enhances the sacredness attributed to mosque as the “house of Allah” and at the same time is enhanced by mosque unique design, clean and well organized spacious place. Entering the mosque, one is drawn by the spectacle of its interior unique architecture, decoration and calligraphy.

Also what enhances the sacredness of this space is the main spatial behavior, salah. While performing salah, worshippers are both spiritually individual subjects and physically members of a collective group, bowing and kneeling in solid lines in an accurate and uniform system heading in one direction towards the Qibla. They are ‘cognitively’ mapping their position facing the Qibla which is indicated by the mihrab, prayer-niche.

Minaret, mihrab and minbar are the main three elements of these mosques (which are also the main elements of any Muslim mosque). Another element that is highly noticeable is the Islamic engraving and art. It is seen inside and outside the mosque space: the geometric shapes, calligraphy and Arabesque are clear instances of the mentioned art. The Islamic art is not only regarded a mere work of art but rather a manifestation and embodiment of the sacred tradition showing order, balance and harmony. Calligraphy derives its significance as being a sacred art; it embeds a sacred language that is the language of the Quran and Tradition.

In addition to its main function as a place for prayer, mosque plays other roles; it gathers the members of society and turns them into a harmonious fabric, almost like one family. For instance, Al Qarawiyyin mosque is the central structure of the old city of Fez due to its functional dimension such as education and community gatherings.

How the Global meets the Local in Mosque Space
What trigger one’s appreciation of mosque space in the city of Fez is the complex interweaving of ‘difference’ and ‘similarity’, the intricate interweaving of the unique and the general, the local and the global. This renews our understanding of the dualism of the ‘authentically’ local and the constructed and ‘appropriative’ global.

For instance, the 9th century Al-Qarawiyyin mosque is the oldest sacred historical masterpiece in the old city of Fes, which was founded in 245 AH/859 AD by Fatima Al-Fihriyya. Yet, it underwent the process of renewal, transformations and expansions to meet the increasing demand of the growing population. This transformation and the appropriation of new technology such as the use of the microphones, electricity, and air-conditioners cohabit with the unique architecture, decoration and calligraphy formed by woodcarvings and plasterwork.

In fact, this consumption of the new technology does not make the mosque space loses its sacredness and spiritual atmosphere but rather global products are utilized in a way that helps to make the mosque as strongly sacred as ever. For instance, the use of the microphones helps the large number of people hear the imam at the time of prayer and Khutba. Thus the global helps the local to articulate its difference and specificity in a more strong way; this manifests Jacobs’s statement that “globalization is occurring but, in a seemingly paradoxical reverberation, place specificity and social difference are being articulated as strongly as ever.”

Indeed, the revalorization and renewal of this mosque does not dismantle its locality and sacredness; the local is not estranged from its point of origin. Hence, what is emphasized here is that, it becomes very hard to simply say that by appropriating the global, this sacred “‘spectacle of history is made false’ (Boyer 1992:204).”

Also, in the modern mosque spaces, it is not easy to say that the locality is erased by the noticeable consumption of the modern technology. Though using new technology, mosque space is still manufacturing its difference through its different utilization of this global technology to serve its own needs. For instance, in Idris Al-Awal and Abdullah Bin Masoud’s mosques, one finds many instances of global transformations of mosque space such as the use of television sets, microphones, water coolers and heaters, air conditioners, etc.

Providing such amenities for the worshippers of God, Musaleen, enhances the mosque sacredness and its primary function as a collective, public space of worshiping. Indeed, the global intervention into mosque space fulfils and activates this main function of the mosque. The microphones, for instance, let the orator, Khateeb, be heard by all people during Friday’s khutbah; the television sets enlighten people with Islamic knowledge. For instance, in Abdullah Bin Masaud’s mosque people stay after the Sunset Prayer to watch and listen to a sermon on television. Supplying the Musaleen with warm water, in winter, for performing ablution and cold water to drink in the summer as well as introducing air conditioners helps public gatherings of Mussaleen, worshipers. All these are some examples that show the positive interaction that the global transformation contributes into facilitating and enhancing the spiritual function of mosque spaces. Also airing the Eids and Fridays’ Khutba on the televisions confirms that “not only that globalization does not obliterate the local but that it may also help to establish new globalised conditions for the expression of difference.”

Beside the spiritual moments one feels and lives while performing immaterial and unworldly communication with God, the mosque space also cultivates a sense of social relationship between people. Indeed, it is more than a congregational space for worship. This sacred space is capable of producing positive social relationships with its physical setting. In addition, one observes simple commercial activities adjacent to the mosque courtyard which plays a role in cultivating and activating such commercial exercises. Such scenes which usually occur after the prayers are not limited and restricted to buying and selling local products such as vegetables, fruits and clothes. However, these commercial activities again provide and share an energetic task of transforming some global goods and products.

Gender in Mosque Space
When attempting to read mosque space and see the spatial behavior or practices that shape and shaped by this space, we are led to see space as a discursive product. Indeed, space is a ‘social product’ as Henri Lefebvre points. Originally, mosque is an urban collective, public space where the public/private dichotomy does not exist.

Yet, studying the production or reproduction of mosque space in relation to gender, it is noticed that within the sacred space of mosque, gender disparity is reflected. Indeed, gender dictates access to mosque space; women cannot pray in the main prayer hall. However, gendering the mosque space is an invention that is nurtured by culture rather than Islam; noteworthy is that there was no physical barrier or boundary between men and women in the prophet’s mosque where women were praying, behind men, and children behind women.

Ibn Abaas (ra) said: "Once the Prophet came out (for the 'Id prayers) as if I were just observing him waving to the people to sit down. He then, accompanied by Bilal, came crossing the rows till he reached the women. He recited verse 12 of chapter 60 to them and asked: 'O ladies, are you fulfilling your covenant?' None except one woman said 'Yes'. The Prophet then said: 'Then give sadaqah.' Bilal (ra) then spread his garment and said 'Keep on giving alms'.

This tradition, or Hadith, shows that in Prophet’s Mosque men and women were praying in the same space and there was direct contact between the Imam and the prayers of both genders, yet women’s lines are behind men. This organization made after an incident happened at the time of Prophet that result in women occupying the back rows of the Prophet’s mosque.

Looking at the mosques under study, it could be said that from the outside appearance/architecture, it is noticeable that mosque space is gendered : entrances of mosques are separated except in Al Qrawiyyin mosque which has several entrances for both genders. Yet, its inward entrances are separated since women’s space is located in a fenced place.

Not only men and women’s entrances are separated but also women’s entrances appear inferior to those of men. Furthermore, Women are not accepted to share men the main/central prayer hall. Rather, they are allocated separate places within the mosque space, either in a separate room such as in Sidi Ibrahim Mosque, or in a gallery/balcony such as in Othman Ben Affan Mosque, or confined within limited place such as in Al-Qarawiyin Mosque , or within the same space, yet separated by a wooden barrier that is covered by curtain.

This gendered architecture violates the principle of “Spatial Sunnah,” as called by Kahera in Deconstructing the American Mosque: Space, Gender, and Aesthetics (2002), that takes into consideration the collectivity of Ummah and emphasizes the value of collective worship in the masajid. The prophet states, “The congregational prayer is 27 times than that of the prayer offered alone,” and also states, ‘Do not prohibit the female servants of Allah from entering Allah’s mosques’ (Bukhari 13:23). In fact, collective worship was intended to enhance the unity of the Ummah by undercutting individual distinctions regarding positions of race, class, gender, or social status. This sacred space is meant to turn the members of society into a harmonious structure.

The “spatial geography of power” is not only embedded in the exclusion of women from the main prayer hall, musala, and men’s dominance over this space, but it is also traced in the practice of naming: almost all mosques are named after males such as Othman Ben Afan, Sidi Ibrahim, Idris al-Awwal and Abdullah Bin Masoud, but not a single mosque is named after a female.
The “geography of patriarchy”, as termed by Edward Soja in his Postmetropolis (p.110) is also noted in the design or architecture of women’s space in mosques. It is noticeable that women’s space is inferior to men’s not simply in term of size but also in term of equipments and decoration. For instance, in Othman Ben Afan mosque it is noticed that men’s prayer hall which the centre of the masque has decorated ceiling which has a very large Nagava, water cooler, while women’s space is plain and lit (lighted) by smalls lambs. There are no calligraphy, decoration and the same equipment as in men’s space. One can find only two pictures on the walls beside the mikes, air-conditioners and a clock. In Abdullah Bin Masoud’s Mosque, men’s space is decorated by calligraphy and well-furnitured by wall pictures, fine carpets than that of women’s and is equipped by a television which women’s space lacks.

In short, the ‘manufactured’ absence of women from the main musala and the inferior architecture of women’s space reflect the patriarchal mode or process that produced it. Indeed, this gendered production of mosque space confirms Henri Lefebvre’s insistence that space is never “innocent.” It always contains traces of the process that produced it, and subsequently is acted upon by a variety of material and mental processes to provide the context through which we know things.
Does the mosque space cope with the entire space of its surroundings and does the locality of mosque space go with the global standards of city planning?

Of course the mosque space copes with its surroundings as well as the global standards of city planning. The ordering of mosque space copes with the entire space of a city or at least the street in which the mosque space occurs even though some problems occur due to lack of public understanding of the necessity to be abide by the orientation of the mosque toward Mecca. For more clarification, Othman Bin Affan’s mosque space goes on well with the entire space of the street in which the mosque occurs. However, many people—only those who pray outside the mosque, i.e. in the courtyard, on Fridays and in Ramadan—are still intentionally or unintentionally incapable of directing themselves towards qibla while praying. The reason behind this is attributed to the architect and/or designer of the mosque who, from one hand, did a successful job in establishing the mosque space according to its surroundings, i.e. coping with the street in which the mosque occurs. On the other hand, the architect and/or designer failed to establish a practical solution for people praying outside the mosque, since they follow the line of the front wall of the mosque which is not the correct indication of the qibla.

We have two front walls for Othman Bin Affan’s mosque: the outside wall which faces the street but not facing the qibla, and the second hidden wall which meets the exact direction of Mecca. Nonetheless, people who pray outside go with the first apparent wall, and, hence fail to meet the correct direction of Mecca. Hence, the illustration below shows the mistaken direction of people praying outside: they do not follow the presupposed green line, but rather the wrong pink lines.
Although a volunteer made correct lines outside the mosque, the custodian of the mosque is always dropping the plastic mats on the cement letting not people see the deviant, correct lines. Another volunteer suggests the custodian of the mosque to drop the plastic mats on the lines’ borders, but the latter rejects. As a consequence, many people praying outside the mosque do not meet the correct direction.

Conclusion
To conclude, our understanding of mosque space should be renewed to be able to go beyond the local/global binary and see how the interaction between global and local in mosque space opens up a new hybrid space, Third Space, where the negotiation of the incommensurable difference results in “a geography struggles” between ‘becomimg’ and ‘remaining’. In short, the global/local binary should be replaced by what Massey terms as “a micro-politics of place in which the two ‘cohabit.’”
The second point to be emphasized is that, Mosque space is ‘a social product’; it is ‘socially produced’ as well as ‘socially producing’. It could be concluded that mosque space is influenced by the andocentric social relation and it also influences and naturalizes it. Indeed, to understand society, it is important to investigate space as social product. This is manifest in Linda McDwell closing statements of her essay “ Towards an understanding of the Gender Division of Urban Space”; she writes, “space is socially constructed and in its turn, once bounded and shaped, influences social relation, as Urry (1981) has recently argued, spatial relations “ are themselves social, socially produced and socially reproducing.”

                                                                                                                                 Hafid Shamseddine
                                                                                                                                 Anisa Saeed

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Saturday, Nov. 14, 2015