Western Representations of the Muslim woman (Part three)
This imaging, also establishes dominant and subordinate relations
of looking. Showing this anonymous woman fixed in her place from behind
testifies to a tenuous, non-reciprocal link between the observer (the
documentarist) and the observed (the veiled woman). In addition, this shot of
the anonymous woman suggests that the presented situation reflects the everyday
lives of Saudi women; this anonymous woman appears holding a bar and standing aloof
from the modern scene of the city of Riyadh which suggests that Saudi women are
imprisoned by the veil which hinders them from entering into the modern scene
and forming a part of it. The woman is presented thus as typical of the
universal “oppressed Saudi woman.” Through this power of surveillance, the
documentarist constructs her subject who is unaware of the camera’s gaze, its
panopticon, in negative term; she appears immobile, not modern, invisible and
hence oppressed. Such
a power of surveillance—such a power of judgment—privileges the documentarist’s
perception and reminds us of Michel Foucault’s theorization of the “panopticon”
which he describes
as “a technology of power” designed for the purpose of surveillance. [17] Central to Foucault’s insight into panopticism is its
power of
surveillance and judgment. The
observed, Foucault suggests, is always “the object of information, never a
subject in communication.”[18]
Foucault notes
also that the panopticon does not necessarily means that subjects are to be
seen without their recognition of the panoptic vision. Another important
quality of the panoptic vision, Foucault notes,
is the process of constructing its subjects in negative terms.[19]
In the light of these points, it could be argued that such a vision is apparent in many
scenes in the film. As it will be demonstrated, on the surface, Saudi working
women appear as speaking subjects; but in fact their voices are muted by the
film language. Therefore, they are presented as objects of information and not
subjects in communication. They
are pictured in negative terms: those poor who are oppressed, docile, and unable to bring any change in
society to advance their position. They are even presented as mentally aberrant
for their ignorance of their subjugation.
In the following scene, the film tries to configure the veil as a
sign of what the documentarist calls “a fundamentalist Islam.” The
documentarist’s voice-over, which is juxtaposed on her image as she wears
headscarf, states: “I have come to the most closed and conservative country in
the Middle East. Here, fundamentalist Islam has more influence on society than
anywhere else in the Arab world.” Later, the film’s surveillance camera
presents different shots of veiled women unaware of the panoptic vision in
different public spaces while the documentarist explains how they are oppressed
by an imposed veil: she comments that the women must wear the abaya
according to a dress code which she observes as “enforced by the religious police.”
What is important to note here is that the film does not show Saudi working
women’s opinion about their practice of veiling, but only the documentarist’s.
In other words, the film begins by presenting these women’s practice of veiling
according the documentarist’s perspective not the Saudi working women’s.
In another scene, the film pictures a news broadcaster, Salma, in
her house. Expressing her self-perception, Salma says that “the women in our
society are not marginalized anymore.” “Being a Muslim woman, means being
modern,” Salma continues. She stresses that Islam does not oppress women or
relegate them to backwardness; but rather, that Islam is the first religion
that accords women their rights. She states that “Islam came first as far as women’s
rights are concerned.” However, this statement is superimposed, in
English subtitles, on her image as she wears her abaya before leaving
the house. Then, the camera cuts to show in long take shot many cars with only
male drivers. The director’s voice-over is superimposed on this shot, stating:
“looking at all men driving their cars, I find it hard to understand how Salma
can see Islam as friendly to women.” This statement connects the ban on women
driving and Islam without giving any explanation about what driving has to do with Islam. Most
importantly, in this scene, the way sounds and visuals are orchestrated to implicitly
say that Islam is a misogynist religion; Salma’s speech and the documentarist’s
voice-over narration are superimposed on the images of men driving cars and
Salma wearing her veil. She selects such images to be presented as raw material
and mediates them by her statement that connects the practice of veiling and
the ban on women driving with Islam’s relation to women as not friendly.
She does
not give Salma’s
opinions about her practice of
veiling and the ban on
women driving and whether Saudi
laws perfectly reflect
her understanding of
Islam; in this sense, she only tries to oppose Salma’s belief that
Islam liberates women.
The documentarist’s voice-over commentary, which reflects her
biased opinion against Islam and Muslim women, is made to be more effective and
powerful than Salma’s remarks, since it is supported by images that are
presented to undermine Salma’s viewpoints. Salma is silenced by the filmic
language articulated by visual and audio elements, highlighting simplistic
equation. Most importantly, such a depiction may lead the viewer to believe
that Salma supports the ban on women driving as intrinsic to Islam.
Consequently, Salma’s perception of her own reality is falsified and it is the
documentarist (not Salma) who is presented as the one who understands and
represents Salma’s reality.
To be continued HERE
[17] See
Michel Foucault, “The Eye of Power,” in C. Gordon, ed. Power/Knowledge: Selected
Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 (New York: Pantheon, 1980).
[18] Michel Foucault, “Discipline and Punish,
Panopticism,” in Discipline & Punish: The Birth of the Prison,
trans, Alan Sheridan( New York: Vintage Books, 1977), p. 200.
[19] Ibid., p. 210.
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